By Gregory D. S. Anderson
This can be the main entire survey ever released of the auxiliary verb development. Drawing on a database of over 800 languages Dr Anderson examines their morphosyntactic varieties and semantic roles. He investigates and explains the old alterations resulting in the cross-linguistic variety of inflectional styles, and offers his effects inside a brand new typological framework. He unearths a lot that's new in regards to the language households of the realm and makes a tremendous contribution to the knowledge in their nature and evolution.
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Additional resources for Auxiliary Verb Constructions (Oxford Studies in Typology and Linguistic Theory)
However, when considering the functional semantics of the element, and the fact that these historically originate from verbal elements, the semantics of which are in accord with the semantic developments typical of the process of auxiliation, it seems clear that these in certain instances should rather be considered as reXecting an AVC of the lexheaded inXectional pattern. Chapter 4 discusses the ‘doubled’ inXectional pattern. In this pattern, both the lexical verb and the auxiliary verb bear the obligatory verbal inXectional categories, operating as co-heads.
2002: 45) (40) Lavukaleve (East Papuan; Solomon Islands) homela-v koi deava sia me-v Wv koi fo’sal vo-kuru me-v Wv woman-pl also diving do hab-pl 3pl:foc also Wsh:pl 3pl:obj-hit hab-pl 3pl:foc ‘women also usually go diving and catching Wsh’ (Terrill 2003: 385) Auxiliaries and AVCs (41) a. Jaqaru (Aymaran; Peru) yatxi-nh sa-w-tha learn-dep aux-compl-1 ‘I almost learned’ (Hardman 2000: 109) 33 b. Jaqaru jaj-ntza-nh sa-w-ta get-down-dep aux-compl-2 ‘you almost got down’ (42) a. Tofa b. Tofa kir-e ver-gen men am uru:-nuŒ be`he: ÷nd÷å bol-u ve-:r de:S ÷na:r÷ child-3-gen head: 3 enter-cv asp-pst 1 to become-aux inch-p/f comp there ‘(otherwise) the child’s head would ‘I went into there’ become so’ (ASLEP Field Notes (MK623)) (43) Remo baƒ-o?
Today’, ‘yesterday’) and future (and often further in combination with some aspectual category in the present). Note that AVCs are by far the most common source for tense morphology cross-linguistically. I oVer but a small portion of tense-encoding AVCs below. dep-arrive ‘they will soon arrive’ (Setshedi 1974: 16) 31 (29) Wambaya ganjim-a gun-u Wnish-fut 3m-fut ‘he will Wnish it’ (Nordlinger 1998: 51) AVCs are frequently grammaticalized to encode a range of modal categories as well. These include such diverse categories traditionally falling under the super-heading ‘Modal’ as hearsay or evidentials of various types, (ir)realis, desiderative, various deontic and epistemic notions of capability, likelihood, possibility, obligation, etc.